Does Science Prove there is a God Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Does Science Prove there is a God - Essay Example be the reasons for certain death, but there are a number of other diseases which have the potential of making our lives miserable. These are some of the instances where science 'appears' to have scored a few points over the supernatural power, but the fact that hurricane Katrina, Cleveland Volcano and floods at many places keep happening, makes us believe that there's indeed something called the almighty. Eric Allin Cornell a renowned physicist has quite beautifully brought out the dilemma when he said1 "Let me pose you a question, not about God but about the heavens: "Why is the sky blue" I offer two answers: 1) The sky is blue because of the wavelength dependence of Rayleigh scattering; 2) The sky is blue because blue is the color God wants it to be." This statement is quite suggestive about how the scientific community accepts the presence of god. In his write up Cornell further commented that, "My scientific research has been in areas connected to optical phenomena, and I can tell you a lot about the Rayleigh-scattering answer. Neither I nor any other scientist, however, has anything scientific to say about answer No. 2, the God answer. Not to say that the God answer is unscientific, just that the methods of science don't speak to that answer". Though in general the scientific community has been taking its work ahead by picking up threads from the god's creation, but there are instances in history where religious practitioners and scientific community had been on collision course. For example the famous scientist Galileo, who is considered as the father of modern science and a major figure in the history of mankind, had to undergo a tragic experience in his life. His growing influence amongst masses led to clashes with religious clergies and the church became very critical of some of his theories. But the moot point is, neither has scientific researches stopped, nor the belief in the god. Instead, what can be said for sure is that, scientific researches have grown from strength to strengths together with the belief in the god. Francis Collins, an expert on topic related to genetics, carried out a comprehensive study on the 3 billion biochemical letters of our genetic blueprint, with a team of 2,400 multinational scientists. The objective was to study and analyze the god's creation i.e. the human being. He was in fact honored by the then President Bill Clinton in the year 2000 for this effort. In an interview when Collins was asked whether he believes that science is compatible with Christian faith. He responded by saying2, "Yes. God's existence is either true or not. But calling it a scientific question implies that the tools of science can provide the answer. From my perspective, God cannot be completely contained within nature, and therefore God's existence is

The Reform Era of Policing (Foot Patrol vs. Automotive Patrol) Essay Example for Free

The Reform Era of Policing (Foot Patrol vs. Automotive Patrol) Essay I. Introduction Police patrolling is very important in a certain community whether using an automobile patrol or simply by just foot patrolling. But of course there are advantages and disadvantages between these two in terms of keeping order in the community, responding in the crime or accident scenes, apprehending some criminals or violators. Â  What are the advantages and disadvantages of using an automobile car when patrolling than just by simply just foot patrolling or not using an automobile car and vice versa? What is better to use in keeping order in community, responding in crime or accident scenes, or apprehending criminals or violators? II. Police Foot Patrolling vs. Police Automobile Patrolling Policemen patrolling without using automobiles of any kinds have many advantages. First policemen who are foot patrolling are the economical and cost-effective type of police patrolling because it does not need an automobile to their jobs and of course gasoline in order for the car to function. Policemen not using vehicles are more acquainted at the people living in a certain community. They can talk to the people face to face. people trust them and have open communication with them with regards to the problems in the community Compare to policemen patrolling using their vehicles they do not talk frequently to the people in the community because they will just arrive if somebody calls for help because there is a crime happening. They can easily notice or see if there is a crime or problems that are happening and they can easily respond to the situation. Unlike for policemen using automobiles just only waiting if there such crime that is happening. People feel safer when they can see policemen patrolling in their areas because some criminals will not attempt to do violations or crimes if they can see policemen just walking within the neighborhood unlike for policemen who are only visible when the crime is already happening like in chasing criminals or violators. Policemen who are foot patrolling can chase criminals even in the crowded people, people who are in a hurry for their works or just simply walking across the streets. Policemen patrolling using vehicles cannot because they cannot pass by in a place crowded with people because if they do they might run over some of the people that could eventually injure or kill them foot patrolling can chase criminals who ran in fields or in places filled with trees like forests unlike policemen who are vehicle patrolling cannot because their automobiles cannot go to places like that. Foot patrolling policemen can chase criminals who jump over fences, hedges or barriers unlike vehicle patrolling cannot because they are using cars and cars cannot jump over fences or hedges. (Tyler, 2001) But of course there are also disadvantages in foot patrolling. Foot patrolling policemen are slower to response in problems such as criminal scenes they have a poor communication with other foot patrolling policemen. Weather affects jobs of foot patrolling policemen. If the weather is not good, they will just stay in a place far in some people doing some scenes or violations. Foot patrolling policemen spends a lot of their time in the office. Most of patrolling policemen are rookies or new to the service. They have more things to know in order to become an expert foot patrolling policemen. Most of foot patrolling policemen are lazy sometimes they do not do their jobs. Some do not respond to the calls because most of them are not in the departments they are just in some place foot patrolling. Some neighborhood is just too large for the foot patrolling to cover all that is why there are some criminal activities that are not responded. Some criminals and violators do not receive enough or proper punishment because of legal constraints on arrest. Chain of command does not work because some of foot patrolling policemen do not follow the programs or duties assigned to them by their superiors they just do the things to them are enough or appropriate. Some people in the community want to be out of their community if the community they are living in is not that rampant in terms of crimes. The expectations of the people in the community is too high to the foot patrolling policemen where sometimes that expectations are not met making the people frustrated. Some calls are passed to the foot patrolling policemen by the vehicle patrolling policemen making them doing some work that others should do. There are many calls within the community that foot patrolling policemen cannot respond to all of them. Some of the problems or demands of the foot patrolling policemen are not addressed by their officers because they are in the community which is far from their departments where they can voice out some of their concerns. And lastly some of the foot patrolling policemen has lack of dedication in their duties to the community. (Trojanowicz Pollard, 1986) Like foot patrolling policemen vehicle patrolling policemen also have advantages and disadvantages. There are many advantages in terms of policemen using cars or automobiles for patrolling. Some of the advantages are It is easy to chase a criminal or violators running away for a criminal act or violation that they have done when the policemen patrolling are using cars or automobiles even though the criminals or violators are also using any kinds of cars unlike in foot patrolling policeman if they are chasing criminals who are using cars they will have difficulty chasing them or worse the criminals can escape and they will not be caught and punished for the crime or violation that they have done. And once they are caught the policemen who captured them can send them immediately to the police department or jail. It is easier to respond for the policemen when they are using automobiles when some people are calling them for help because an emergency or crime is happening because it is easy to arrive in the place where it is happening unlike in foot patrolling policemen because they are not using cars they might arrive in the said place that the criminals have done their criminal act or they have escaped and leave the place already. It is easy for the criminals to notice if there are policemen around if policemen are using cars for patrolling and once the criminals has noticed it will stop them from the crime or violation they going to commit. And lastly, if the police are using cars when they are patrolling they can cruise around the neighborhood and can check or investigate if there is a crime or possible crime that might happen.(National Institute of Justice (U.S.), 1995) But of course there are also disadvantages in using cars for police patrolling. Some of the disadvantages are it is costly and expensive. The policemen should take care of their cars so that the cars will be maintained for a longer used and once it is totally wrecked and the policemen can no longer use them, the government have to spend money to buy cars for their replacement. The government also spends money for the maintenance of these cars and of course for gasoline in order for these cars to function. (Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research., 1999) III. Summary and Conclusion Police patrolling are very important for a community to retain peace and order whether they are foot patrolling policemen and the ones using cars or automobiles. There are many advantages and disadvantages for both depending in the place the crimes or violations are happening but they are both needed by the community so that crimes and violation in the community will be lessened or totally be eradicated. RERERENCES: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research. (1999). Effects of Community Policing on Tasks of Street-Level Police Officers in Ohio, 1981 and 1996. from http://webapp.icpsr.umich.edu/cocoon/ICPSR-STUDY/02481.xml National Institute of Justice (U.S.). (1995). Community policing in Chicago : year two. Trojanowicz, R., Pollard, B. (1986). Community Policing: The Line Officers Perspective. Retrieved March 27, 2007, from http://www.cj.msu.edu/~people/cp/communit.html Tyler, N. (2001). Public Safety in Downtowns. Retrieved March 27, 2007, from http://www.emich.edu/public/geo/557book/d378.police.htm

How Can You Classify Welfare States Politics Essay

How Can You Classify Welfare States Politics Essay Introduction: As I have found it so difficult to structure this essay and formulate a strong line of argument, which would be outlined here, I will limit the introduction to some of my thoughts surrounding issues which may have an effect on the discussion. What authors mean by the term welfare state varies from each classification attempt. This results in different classifications which within the boundaries the author has set can be very convincing. Different measures and types of analysis are used creating different outcomes, different levels, and different understandings of welfare states. Some focus more on expenditure than others, definitions may be broader or narrower. As Cochrane points out à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦a loose working definition is required to make comparison possible in the first place (1993) but there is not an overwhelming consensus about what constitutes the welfare state. This is one reason why there is so much controversy surrounding classification, as writers disagree about what the welfare state consists of, and thus use different types of evidence according to their particular view on what makes up the welfare state. However, classifying welfare states helps makes useful generalisations which can enrich our understanding of a complex and important subject. Main body: Early attempts to classify the welfare state of the advanced world did so largely according to expenditure. Wilensky (1975) analyses differences in the levels of government spending, using this criteria to distinguish the leaders from the laggards. Cutright (1965) also bases his differentiation of welfare states primarily on expenditure specifically on social insurance provision. Bonoli (1997) makes the point that This approach, by concentrating exclusively on the levels of expenditure completely neglects other dimensions of welfare provision. Esping-Anderson (1990), in his ground-breaking work The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism makes the point that within expenditure based classifications that all spending counts equally. Of course the level of money a government assigns to its welfare provision is very important in classifying states but the way in which it is spent can have implications for the provision and leads to large differences between welfare states, even if expenditure levels appear similar. Firstly in countries such as Austria, governments à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦spend a large share on benefits to privileged civil servants which, Esping-Anderson points out, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦is normally not what we would consider a commitment to social citizenship and solidarity. Furthermore, expenditure analysis has tended to neglect for instance whether benefits are means tested or universal. Expenditure can be misleading in other ways too, Esping-Andersen uses the example of Britain under Thatcher, where total expenditure grew, but that it was mainly a function of very high unemployment. Castles and Mitchell (1992) concur; ceteris paribus, an identical input of expenditure will lead to quite different observed levels of poverty and inequality, depending on the distribution of incomes prior to income maintenance expenditures and taxes. Most recent classifications agree that expenditure alone is inadequate criterion to classify welfare states. Esping-Andersen has been praised for highlighting this problem (Bonoli, Pierson Castles) The way in which money is spent is crucially important as is the rights the welfare state grants its citizens. But more than this required, according to Esping-Andersen, who argues further that welfare states can not merely be understood in terms of rights granted. We must also take into account how state activities are interlocked with the markets and the familys role in social provision. Esping-Andersens understanding of the welfare state is thus broader than many other authors in their attempts at classification. This is a major strength as it attempts to include many activities carried out by governments that have implications for the standard of living of its citizens. Esping-Andersen focuses on the notion of decommodifying the impact of diverse systems of social rights (Pierson and Castles). Decommodification is defined as the degree to which individuals or families can uphold a socially acceptable standard of living independently of market participation (Esping-Andersen 1990). As well as firmly moving the emphasis away from expenditure as the sole tool of analysis, Esping-Andersen has been praised for suggesting that the welfare state is about more than just services and transfers (Pierson and Castles 2000). Esping-Andersens three proposed welfare regimes, the liberal, social-democratic and corporatist or conservative are argued convincingly and well supported. The analysis goes beyond merely the descriptive, and attempts to provide common development of the welfare states within each regime type, largely around class and power issues. This strengthens the common characteristics identified by Esping-Andersen in todays welfare states. However, Esping-Andersen has been criticised on a number of grounds. A good classification must result in the welfare states of the advanced world being classified. That is to say, they must fit into the categories proposed, meeting the necessary criteria to be associated with a particular welfare regime of type. Esping-Andersen admits that none of the regimes he identifies can be found in a perfect or pure form. Still, even if we ignore this inevitable consequence of classification, (all welfare states are unique), further objections to Esping-Andersen remain concerning welfare states comfortably fitting into the regimes. A major problem with the three regime types is that Japan cannot be comfortably incorporated, as it possesses features of all three types, and yet it is without doubt part of the advanced world. Esping-Andersen admits this, as Japans level of expenditure is relatively low, similar to the liberal classification, but that unemployment rates are typically low too, more similar to those found in social-democratic regimes. Elements of the conservative/corporatist model may be found too, due to Japans reliance on non-state forms of support from the family and the firm for example. The failure to incorporate Japan into his analysis is clearly an unsuccessful aspect of Esping-Andersens classification attempt. Many alternative classifications have been proposed in response to Esping-Andersens The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, which highlight other deficiencies and problems with the work. Abrahamson (1991) and Leibfried (2000) both point to the difficulty of including various Southern European States into Esping-Andersens three regimes and argue for a 4th world, the rudimentary or Latin rim. According to Leibfried the Southern countries of Europeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦seem to constitute a welfare state regime of their own. Countries such as Spain, Portugal and Greece would come under this banner, more easily described as rudimentary and similar to each other than grouped with liberal, social-democratic or conservative welfare states, as they display very different characteristics. Castles and Mitchell (1992), however, use different techniques to establish an alternative 4th world, which they term radical. They base a classification of countries such as Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom as radical because these nations equality outcomes are much more favourable than other states which Esping-Andersen describes as liberal. The above countries, according to Castles and Mitchells analysis, do more for increasing equality among their people than the Netherlands does, which according to his [Esping-Andersens] classification is a socialist, high decommodification system. Many criticisms of Esping-Andersen are the basis for new models, adding or adjusting his three worlds. But other criticisms have been launched too, which also apply to those studies stemming from Esping-Andersens three worlds. Allan Cochrane makes the point that the most striking absences from the statistical approaches and indeed (except in asides) from Esping-Andersens regimes are those relating to gender. He notes how the decommodification of labour is tarnished as a tool for classification because of failing to fully consider gender issues, many of which find no expression in aggregate statistics. (Of course this criticism also applies to most other statistics used to support classification attempts.) For instance Esping-Andersen fails to acknowledge the extent to which womens involvement in that sphere is a necessary basis for the commodification of labour. (Cochrane). Peter Taylor-Gooby developed this point arguing that analysis must include both uncommodified care work in th e home and the position of women in the formal labour market and that this will mean different struggles will develop in the various regime types in response to current pressures on the welfare states. Consequently a classification neglecting to investigate these angles will result in presenting welfare states as very different to their true nature. Many have argued that classifying welfare states without understanding issues such as this that they face greatly reduces their value. (Langan Ostner 1991, Dominelli 1991) Both Bonoli, Kemeny, and Castle Mitchell argue that whilst Esping-Andersen criticises over reliance on expenditure as a basis for classification, and that this is a valid and important claim, he is in some ways also guilty of this fault. Each of the three regimes is heavily contaminated by expenditure considerations. Kemeny notes that e-as classification does not make a complete break with the traditional quantification approach. Bonoli maintains that e-a still ends up with a classification overly based on the quantity of welfare provided by individual states. Instead of using spending to measure welfare states he measures decommodification and Bonoli argues that a consequence of this quantitative approach is a failure to reflect the substantial differences which exist in the way welfare is delivered. Other attempts at classification have placed their emphasis on how welfare states have administered welfare provision rather than how much they have spent in doing so. In Bonolis article Classifying Welfare States; A Two Dimensional Approach he notes that Ferrera (1993) and traditional French approaches to welfare state classification (commonly known as the Beveridgean and Bismarckian types) examine the ways in which provision is made, moving away from the quantitative how much approach. Ferrera openly sets out to break with the quantification approach and the French models are considered independent of the quantity of welfare it provides. Ferrera focuses on one aspect of welfare provision the coverage of welfare protection schemes, mainly distinguishing between universal and occupational schemes. Briefly, Bismarckian social policy is concerned with income maintenance for employees, whereas Beveridgean social policy aims at the prevention of poverty (Bonoli). Bonoli, however, highlights that although Ferreras classification is able to account for differences in the way in which welfare is delivered more competently than Esping-Andersen, its obvious weakness is the fact that it now fails to take into account the quantitative dimension of state welfare. Aside from the fact that knowing how much government spends on the ways on which they administer welfare as a useful element in distinguishing welfare states there are other problems. For instance, as with (ironically) some expenditure only analyses, the Bismarckian /Beveridgean approaches do not distinguish between universal and means tested benefits, a distinction which has very important connotations for welfare provision. A major point in Bonolis article is that welfare state classification requires a comprehensive two-dimensional approach considering both expenditure and the way in which that money is spent, as well as other methods such as policy measures. That is to say how welfare is administered. These vital two dimensions are found in some form in Esping-Andersens three worlds, but Bonoli argues this is not adequate, as the two dimensions are limited only to decommodification rather than to the whole analysis. Bonoli attempt at classifying welfare states takes the Beveridgean/Bismarckian approach but adds a new twist differentiating not only the two from each other but also distinguishing between higher spending and lower spending within the regime types. This addresses more fully the issue of two dimensions of analysis. Although Bonolis point that these two dimensions of analysis are required to understand the welfare state, it seems quite simplistic to imply that there are only two hows- the Beveridgean and Bismarckian. Esping-Andersens three regime types appear more convincing generally although Bonoli makes a useful methodological point. Many rival classifications to Esping-Andersens stem form his work, and similar methodology is sometimes used. However, differences in methodology are also common, perhaps due to different understandings of what constitutes the welfare state. Ferreras understanding, it could be argued, is rather narrow, solely concentrating on social protection schemes. It is difficult, apart from in very broad terms to talk in detail about the variations in methodology (although ideally this is what I would like to have done). Conclusion issues, not a comprehensive summing up. The failure to fit Japan into Esping-Andersens three worlds clearly reduces the success of the classification which in many other ways came as a crucial addition to the study of welfare states. But this is an excellent way of examining whether a classification attempt is successful in its main objective that has to allow all welfare states in the advanced world to be comfortable in the classification groups. However, this is very difficult to assess in many of the other cases. Different authors use different ways of formulating classifications, and their methodology leads to different conclusions. Therefore, often the countries discussed do fit generally well into the regimes proposed. But because the criteria for classification varies so much between authors, and because, for instance, Japans relevant statistics are not available to me, it is difficult to know whether all the advanced countries do indeed fit snugly into all the different regimes presented. One could argue however, that most of the authors discussed do succeed in creating classifications which manage to incorporate all the countries they have analysed according to the particular way they have chosen to analyse them, this is largely inevitable! Esping-Andersen has admitted that Japan is a large exception to the rule, but the absence of Japan form the discussion by other authors could also be seen as some sort of failure. Functionalism classification of welfare states is pointless, the fact they exist is the main point? It is also important to remember that although welfare states show enduring characteristics and tendencies that remain over the years, that they are not static, unchanging entities. As such, classification may only really be able to group states according to their past trends and present characteristics, and arguably welfare states could ultimately change regimes depending on government policies. For instance, it could be said that the influence of globalisation may alter welfare states make-up, and make certain classifications void or in need of adjustment.

Essay examples --

How is morality defined? I never really grasped a straight forward definition of morality given by the speaker. Morality to me is a person’s code of conduct that they live their life by. It is a person’s beliefs that make them feel if something is right or wrong. What are the three interpretations of the hypothesis that morality evolved? The first interpretation of the hypothesis that morality has evolved is that some components of our moral sense evolved. This hypothesis is the least controversial of the three interpretations. This is because it is the only one that has any real sort of evidence that I can see. That evidence comes in the form of phylogenetic evidence. Scientists have been able to determine the primates exhibit some of the same emotions that humans have. Dr. Machery specifically reference a setting where one primate had more desirable food than the other and envy or jealously was exhibited by the primate with the less desirable food. This evidence means that emotions were passed down from a common ancestor before humans evolved. The second interpretation... Essay examples -- How is morality defined? I never really grasped a straight forward definition of morality given by the speaker. Morality to me is a person’s code of conduct that they live their life by. It is a person’s beliefs that make them feel if something is right or wrong. What are the three interpretations of the hypothesis that morality evolved? The first interpretation of the hypothesis that morality has evolved is that some components of our moral sense evolved. This hypothesis is the least controversial of the three interpretations. This is because it is the only one that has any real sort of evidence that I can see. That evidence comes in the form of phylogenetic evidence. Scientists have been able to determine the primates exhibit some of the same emotions that humans have. Dr. Machery specifically reference a setting where one primate had more desirable food than the other and envy or jealously was exhibited by the primate with the less desirable food. This evidence means that emotions were passed down from a common ancestor before humans evolved. The second interpretation...

The plight of migrant workers

Introduction:The wise saying goes, ‘The writer sees, what the Sun can not see.’’(Proverb) If that writer happens to be a photojournalist, his products are going to be nearer to the reality. This is the strength of the book of David Bacon. Of the four factors of production, Land, Labor Capital and Organization, it is known that the Labor occupies the first position, because without it, the other three are rendered idle.In the context of globalization of all segments of economic and profit-generating activities, agriculture too occupies the prominent place. The labor requirement in this area is vast, and it needs to be employed at the right time, depending upon the timings of the harvesting and marketing of the crops. How do the migrant workers plough their lives, what are the problems that confront them and what is the solution?The harsh realities of migrant experience†¦The materialistic civilization, industrial and internet revolution have made the concept of globalization a reality, without world leaders formally announcing the same. The economic compulsions are such, something tangible is happening all over the world in the industrial and agricultural sectors, without anyone making efforts for it ‘actually.’ Transnational communities are being formed in the natural course, because of the common economic and survival interests and aspirations of such labor force.This has happened all along the northern road from Guatemala, via Mexico and far into the United States. Douglas Bacon is eminently suited to do the task of writing this book, for he is thrice-blessed—being the journalist, the photographer, and a trade union leader and labor organizer.(Ahn, 2004) With the might of his pen, and the click of the flashgun of the camera, he gives the picture of the real life of the migrant labors working for plenty and prosperity of others to a great extent, and their individual prosperity to some extent.Workers move and become part of the migrant work-force, not because they want to move, but because someone somewhere is willingly and anxiously waiting for them. Undocumented immigrants far outnumber the documented immigrants. (Ahn, 2004)US border policy treats them in an unjust manner, labeling them as an aggregation of individuals.Immigration policy on such block of immigrants demands special attention and policy guidelines, to properly accept them into the mainstream of the society, because they are contributing to the welfare of that society. These great dramas of borderlands create new issues time and again.   Their combined work output is definitely contributing to the movement of giant wheels of agriculture production to fulfill the food requirements of the Nation. The labor movements are both for survival and for further improvement of working conditions to secure stable life, without uncertainties and anxieties.Agriculture:1. The obstacles the migrant workers face, their thoughts about their hom eland, and their plans for building a better life:The number of migrant workers in USA runs into millions. They are available for all types of work related to agriculture, like planting, weeding, harvesting and packing. Their contribution is basic and fundamental, but in return, they don’t get what they deserve. Their income is less than $7,500 an year. (Ahn, 2004)The working conditions are dangerous from the point of view of health, for they have to toil in the hot fields below the hotter sun, they handle  Ã‚   not too safe farm equipments, the ill effects of physical exposure to herbicides, chemical fertilizers and poisonous pesticides do serious damage to their health.â€Å"Often we went into the fields barefoot,† remembers Jorge Giron, from the Mixtec town of Santa Maria Tindu, who now lives in Fresno. His wife, Margarita, recalls that in the labor camp â€Å"the rooms were made of cardboard, and you could see other families through the holes. When you had to re lieve yourself, you went in public because there were no bathrooms. You would go behind a tree or tall grass and squat. People bathed in the river and further down others would wash their clothes and drink. A lot of people came down with diarrhea and vomiting.† The strikes, they say, forced improvements. (Bacon, 2005)2. In what way do the members of these communities face ethnic and racial discrimination?The main problem of the migrant workers is their status. Since they are illegal entrants, the worry of their clandestine stay bothers them during 24 hours in a day. Their number is more than 52% of the total workforce. (Ahn, 2004) They move like caravans, depending upon the requirements in a particular area.This affects their lifestyle adversely, because they live in temporary houses, in congested areas where sanitation facilities are too poor. Some spend their nights in their cars or dusted fields; under temporary structures.   They work even when they are sick, for the med ical facilities are poor, one is afraid to ask for them for the fear of losing wages, or even the job. In case of prolonged illness, the chances of being deported are certain.Long periods of absence from homeland and the denial of the association of near and dear ones, lead to depression in many cases. Since the job is temporary and without any perquisites, they remain engulfed in a sense of insecurity. They live under compulsion, for they have to support their family members in a distant land, who are expecting their remittances month after month. Migrant workers with the family, face another problem of education of their children, as they have to constantly shift from one school to another.The children are brought up in uncertain and poor conditions and they develop a sense of inferiority complex. The racial and ethnic problems though not there legally, yet in the day to day dealings, they show their presence. â€Å"Labor organizing was part of the mix here too. In 1993 FIOB bega n collaboration with the United Farm Workers. â€Å"We recognized the UFW was a strong union representing agricultural workers,† Dominguez explains. â€Å"They recognized us as an organization fighting for the rights for indigenous migrants.†But it was an uneasy relationship. Mixtec activists felt that UFW members often exhibited the same discriminatory attitudes common among Mexicans back home toward indigenous people. Fighting racism in Mexico, however, had prepared them for this. According to Rivera Salgado, â€Å"the experience of racism enforces a search for cultural identity to resist [and] creates the possibility of new forms of organization and action.†(Bacon, 2005)3. What kinds of organizations have they formed to protect themselves?Cezar Chavez founded the United Farm Workers Union and the farm workers stand up for their rights. His pressure tactics made the growers sign the contract, which protected worker’s interests. Laws are being framed one after another, but these have proved to be laws designed for exploitation. For every provision of the law for protecting the interests of the workers, the legal brains of the employers find an escape route. â€Å"Labor shortages caused by World War II resulted in the 1942 U.S./Mexico Bracero Program. Bracero contracts ranged from one to six months, and employers were required to provide food and housing, pay local wage rates, cover medical expenses, and provide transportation between Mexico and the farm.These clauses, however, were rarely enforced and growers routinely exploited Braceros by shorting the hours they worked or changing the rate of pay once the work was completed.†(Ahn, 2004) With strong protests from the labor, the Bracero Program was terminated in 1964.United Farm Workers Union of America (UDW) is credited with securing improvement in the working conditions of California farm workers and now the workers have the legal mandate of access to faucets, toilets and cold drinking water. But the Unions face a peculiar problem. They don’t get the necessary support from the workers. Less than 10 percent of all strawberry workers are unionized.(Ahn, 2004)At the National level, there are several organizations fighting for the rights of the workers. Some of them are the Coalition of Immokalee Workers in Florida, Farm Labor Organizing Committee in North Carolina etc.4. How does their position in American society compare with the civil rights struggles of other groups we have studied?The Civil Rights Struggle is a broad struggle, having national and international repercussions. The problem of migrant worker is a â€Å"struggle within the struggle.†(Own)   Rights for the workers are the consequential action to the Civil Rights struggle. Now that the civil rights issues are settled legally, it is time that the government pays sincere attention to the plight of the migrant workers, so it does not turn out to be an issue like the issue of s lavery in disguise.Conclusion:Unfortunately in USA, democracy and capitalism have joined hands to give a free reign to exploitation and the workers are at the receiving ends. What to talk about those illegal migrant workers. They are like smuggled goods liable to be confiscated by the Government at any time. Some tangible steps need to be taken to reconcile these good ideals. USA has tried combinations and permutations, by placing emphasis on one or the other ideal. The problem of migrant workers is mainly the human problem, apart from the one that of legal and economic.The concept by the workers that the Management is the sworn enemy and they must be a war with it always, is wrong. Similarly, the Management needs to have the humane approach. The thought process both the parties need to change. Then only their action process will also change. So, when the thoughts are changed, the mind is changed; when the mind is changed, the man is changed; when the man is changed, the society is changed.References Cited:Ahn, Christine, Article: Food First/Institute for Food and Development Policy | For Land †¦Workers Without Rights in American Agriculture, (2004)†¦Bacon, David (Author), Carlos, Jr. Munoz (Foreword), Douglas Harper (Foreword) Book: Communities without Borders: Images and Voices from the World of MigrationPaperback: 235 pagesPublisher: ILR Press; 1 edition (October 2006)Language: EnglishISBN-10: 0801473071ISBN-13: 978-0801473074Proverb: Source anonymousOwn: This symbol is my own creation.Bacon, David: Article: Communities Without Borders (David Bacon);The Nation: October 2005 issue.

Jawaharlal Nehru

Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi/Kashmiri: , pronounced [d a r? la? l ? ne ru? ]; 14 November 1889–27 May 1964[4]) was an Indian statesman who was the first (and to date the longest-serving) prime minister of India, from 1947 until 1964. One of the leading figures in the Indian independence movement, Nehru was elected by the Congress Party to assume office as independent India's first Prime Minister, and re-elected when the Congress Party won India's first general election in 1952.As one of the founders of the Non-aligned Movement, he was also an important figure in the international politics of the post-war era. He is frequently referred to as Pandit Nehru (â€Å"pandit† being a Sanskrit and Hindi honorific meaning â€Å"scholar† or â€Å"teacher†) and, specifically in India, as Panditji (with â€Å"-ji† being a honorific suffix). The son of a wealthy Indian barrister and politician, Motilal Nehru, Nehru became a leader of the left wing of the Congress Pa rty when still fairly young.Rising to become Congress President, under the mentorship of Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru was a charismatic and radical leader, advocating complete independence from the British Empire. In the long struggle for Indian independence, in which he was a key player, Nehru was eventually recognized as Gandhi's political heir. Throughout his life, Nehru was also an advocate for Fabian socialism and the public sector as the means by which long-standing challenges of economic development could be addressed by poorer nations. Jawaharlal Nehru was born to Motilal Nehru (1861–1931) and Swaroop Rani (1863–1954) in a Kashmiri Pandit family.The Nehru family – Motilal Nehru is seated in the center, and standing (L to R) are Jawaharlal Nehru, Vijayalakshmi Pandit, Krishna Hutheesing, Indira Gandhi, and Ranjit Pandit; Seated: Swaroop Rani, Motilal Nehru and Kamala Nehru (circa 1927). Nehru was educated in India and Britain. In England, he attended the indepen dent boy's school, Harrow and Trinity College, Cambridge. Jawaharlal Nehru at Harrow, where he was also known as Joe Nehru. During his time in Britain, Nehru was also known as Joe Nehru. [5][6][7][8][9][10] On 8 February, 1916, Nehru married seventeen year old Kamala Kaul. In the irst year of the marriage, Kamala gave birth to their only child, Indira Priyadarshini. [edit] Life and career Nehru raised the flag of independent India in New Delhi on 15 August 1947, the day India gained Independence.Nehru's appreciation of the virtues of parliamentary democracy, secularism and liberalism, coupled with his concerns for the poor and underprivileged, are recognised to have guided him in formulating socialist policies that influence India to this day. They also reflect the socialist origins of his worldview. His daughter, Indira Gandhi, and grandson, Rajiv Gandhi, also served as Prime Ministers of India. edit] Successor to Gandhi On 15 January 1941 Gandhi said, â€Å"Some say Pandit Nehru and I were estranged. It will require much more than difference of opinion to estrange us. We had differences from the time we became co-workers and yet I have said for some years and say so now that not Rajaji but Jawaharlal will be my successor. â€Å"[11] [edit] India's first Prime Minister Teen Murti Bhavan, Nehru's residence as Prime Minister, now a museum in his memory. Nehru and his colleagues had been released as the British Cabinet Mission arrived to propose plans for transfer of power.Once elected, Nehru headed an interim government, which was impaired by outbreaks of communal violence and political disorder, and the opposition of the Muslim League led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who were demanding a separate Muslim state of Pakistan. After failed bids to form coalitions, Nehru reluctantly supported the partition of India, according to a plan released by the British on 3 June 1947. He took office as the Prime Minister of India on 15 August, and delivered his inaugural address titled â€Å"A Tryst With Destiny† â€Å"Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes hen we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity. â€Å"[12] However, this period was marked with intense communal violence.This violence swept across the Punjab region, Delhi, Bengal and other parts of India. Nehru conducted joint tours[citation needed] with Pakistani leaders to encourage peace and calm angry and disillusioned refugees. Nehru would work with Maulana Azad and other Muslim leaders to safeguard and encourage Muslims to remain in India. The violence of the time deeply affected Nehru, who called for a ceasefire[citation needed] and UN intervention to stop the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947. Fearing communal reprisals, Nehru also hesitated in supporting the annexation of Hyderabad State.In the years following independence, Nehru frequently turned to his daughter Indira to look after him and manage his personal affairs. Under his leadership, the Congress won an overwhelming majority in the elections of 1952. Indira moved into Nehru's official residence to attend to him and became his constant companion in his travels across India and the world. Indira would virtually become Nehru's chief of staff. Nehru's study in Teen Murti Bhavan. [edit] Economic policies Nehru presided over the introduction of a modified, Indian version of state planning and control over the economy.Creating the Planning commission of India, Nehru drew up the first Five-Year Plan in 1951, which charted the gov ernment's investments in industries and agriculture. Increasing business and income taxes, Nehru envisaged a mixed economy in which the government would manage strategic industries such as mining, electricity and heavy industries, serving public interest and a check to private enterprise. Nehru pursued land redistribution and launched programmes to build irrigation canals, dams and spread the use of fertilizers to increase agricultural roduction. He also pioneered a series of community development programs aimed at spreading diverse cottage industries and increasing efficiency into rural India. While encouraging the construction of large dams (which Nehru called the â€Å"new temples of India†), irrigation works and the generation of hydroelectricity, Nehru also launched India's programme to harness nuclear energy. For most of Nehru's term as prime minister, India would continue to face serious food shortages despite progress and increases in agricultural production.Nehru's i ndustrial policies, summarised in the Industrial Policy Resolution of 1956, encouraged the growth of diverse manufacturing and heavy industries,[13] yet state planning, controls and regulations began to impair productivity, quality and profitability. Although the Indian economy enjoyed a steady rate of growth, called Hindu rate of growth at 2. 5% per annum, chronic unemployment amidst widespread poverty continued to plague the population. [edit] Education and social reform Jawaharlal Nehru was a passionate advocate of education for India's children and youth, believing it essential for India's future progress.His government oversaw the establishment of many institutions of higher learning, including the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, the Indian Institutes of Technology and the Indian Institutes of Management. Nehru also outlined a commitment in his five-year plans to guarantee free and compulsory primary education to all of India's children. For this purpose, Nehru oversaw the creation of mass village enrollment programmes and the construction of thousands of schools. Nehru also launched initiatives such as the provision of free milk and meals to children in order to fight malnutrition.Adult education centres, vocational and technical schools were also organised for adults, especially in the rural areas. Under Nehru, the Indian Parliament enacted many changes to Hindu law to criminalize caste discrimination and increase the legal rights and social freedoms of women[14][15][16] [17] A system of reservations in government services and educational institutions was created to eradicate the social inequalities and disadvantages faced by peoples of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Nehru also championed secularism and religious harmony, increasing the representation of minorities in government. edit] National security and foreign policy See also: Role of India in Non-Aligned Movement Nehru led newly independent India from 1947 to 1964, during its first years of freedom from British rule. Both the United States and the Soviet Union competed to make India an ally throughout the Cold War. On the international scene, Nehru was a champion of pacifism and a strong supporter of the United Nations. He pioneered the policy of non-alignment and co-founded the Non-Aligned Movement of nations professing neutrality between the rival blocs of nations led by the U. S. and the U. S.S. R. Recognising the People's Republic of China soon after its founding (while most of the Western bloc continued relations with the Republic of China), Nehru argued for its inclusion in the United Nations and refused to brand the Chinese as the aggressors in their conflict with Korea. [18] He sought to establish warm and friendly relations with China in 1950, and hoped to act as an intermediary to bridge the gulf and tensions between the communist states and the Western bloc. Meanwhile, Nehru had promised in 1948 to hold a plebiscite in Kashmir under the auspic es of the U.N. but, as Pakistan failed to pull back troops in accordance with the UN resolution and as Nehru grew increasingly wary of the U. N. , he declined to hold a plebiscite in 1953. He ordered the arrest of the Kashmiri politician Sheikh Abdullah, whom he had previously supported but now suspected of harbouring separatist ambitions; Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad replaced him. His policy of pacifism and appeasement with respect to China also came unraveled when border disputes led to the Sino-Indian war in 1962.Jawaharlal Nehru (right) talks to Pakistan prime minister Muhammad Ali Bogra (left) during his 1953 visit to Karachi. Nehru was hailed by many for working to defuse global tensions and the threat of nuclear weapons. [19] He commissioned the first study of the human effects of nuclear explosions, and campaigned ceaselessly for the abolition of what he called â€Å"these frightful engines of destruction. † He also had pragmatic reasons for promoting de-nuclearisation, fea ring that a nuclear arms race would lead to over-militarisation that would be unaffordable for developing countries such as his own. 20] In 1956 he had criticised the joint invasion of the Suez Canal by the British, French and Israelis. Suspicion and distrust cooled relations between India and the U. S. , which suspected Nehru of tacitly supporting the Soviet Union. Accepting the arbitration of the UK and World Bank, Nehru signed the Indus Water Treaty in 1960 with Pakistani ruler Ayub Khan to resolve long-standing disputes about sharing the resources of the major rivers of the Punjab region. [edit] Final years Nehru with Ashoke Kumar Sen, S.Radhakrishnan and Bidhan Chandra RoyNehru had led the Congress to a major victory in the 1957 elections, but his government was facing rising problems and criticism. Disillusioned by intra-party corruption and bickering, Nehru contemplated resigning but continued to serve. The election of his daughter Indira as Congress President in 1959 aroused criticism for alleged nepotism[citation needed], although actually Nehru had disapproved of her election, partly because he considered it smacked of â€Å"dynastism†; he said, indeed it was â€Å"wholly undemocratic and an undesirable thing†, and refused her a position in his cabinet. 21] Indira herself was at loggerheads with her father over policy; most notably, she used his oft-stated personal deference to the Congress Working Committee to push through the dismissal of the Communist Party of India government in the state of Kerala, over his own objections. [21] Nehru began to be frequently embarrassed by her ruthlessness and disregard for parliamentary tradition, and was â€Å"hurt† by what he saw as an assertiveness with no purpose other than to stake out an identity independent of her father. [4]Although the Pancha Sila (Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence) was the basis of the 1954 Sino-Indian border treaty, in later years, Nehru's foreign policy suff ered through increasing Chinese assertiveness over border disputes and Nehru's decision to grant political asylum to the 14th Dalai Lama. After years of failed negotiations, Nehru authorized the Indian Army to invade Goa in 1961, and then he annexed it to India. It increased his popularity, but he was criticized the use of military force. In the 1962 elections, Nehru led the Congress to victory yet with a diminished majority.Opposition parties ranging from the right-wing Bharatiya Jana Sangh and Swatantra Party, socialists and the Communist Party of India performed well. Public viewing of Nehru's body, which lies in state, in 1964; the gun carriage used for his state funeral was later used for the state funeral of Mother TeresaSince 1959, and this accelerated in 1961, Nehru adopted the â€Å"Forward Policy† of setting up military outposts in disputed areas of the Sino-Indian border, including in 43 outposts in territory not previously controlled by India. 22] China attacked s ome of these outposts, and thus the Sino-Indian War began, which India technically lost, but China gained no territory as it withdrew to pre-war lines. The war exposed the weaknesses of India's military, and Nehru was widely criticised for his government's insufficient attention to defence. In response, Nehru sacked the defence minister Krishna Menon and sought U. S. military aid, but Nehru's health began declining steadily, and he spent months recuperating in Kashmir through 1963.Some historians attribute this dramatic decline to his surprise and chagrin over the Sino-Indian War, which he perceived as a betrayal of trust. [23] Upon his return from Kashmir in May 1964, Nehru suffered a stroke and later a heart attack. He died in the early hours of 27 May 1964. Nehru was cremated in accordance with Hindu rites at the Shantivana on the banks of the Yamuna River, witnessed by hundreds of thousands of mourners who had flocked into the streets of Delhi and the cremation grounds. [edit] L egacy Nehru's statue in Aldwych, London.As India's first Prime minister and external affairs minister, Jawaharlal Nehru played a major role in shaping modern India's government and political culture along with sound foreign policy. He is praised for creating a system providing universal primary education, reaching children in the farthest corners of rural India. Nehru's education policy is also credited for the development of world-class educational institutions such as the All India Institute of Medical Sciences,[24] Indian Institutes of Technology,[25] and the Indian Institutes of Management. Nehru was a great man†¦ Nehru gave to Indians an image of themselves that I don't think others might have succeeded in doing. † – Sir Isaiah Berlin[26] In addition, Nehru's stance as an unfailing nationalist led him to also implement policies which stressed commonality among Indians while still appreciating regional diversities. This proved particularly important as post-Ind ependence differences surfaced since British withdrawal from the subcontinent prompted regional leaders to no longer relate to one another as allies against a common adversary.While differences of culture and, especially, language threatened the unity of the new nation, Nehru established programs such as the National Book Trust and the National Literary Academy which promoted the translation of regional literatures between languages and also organized the transfer of materials between regions. In pursuit of a single, unified India, Nehru warned, â€Å"Integrate or perish. â€Å"[27] [edit] Commemoration Nehru hands out sweets to children in Nongpoh Jawaharlal Nehru on a 1989 USSR commemorative stamp.In his lifetime, Jawaharlal Nehru enjoyed an iconic status in India and was widely admired across the world for his idealism and statesmanship. His birthday, 14 November, is celebrated in India as Baal Divas (Children's Day) in recognition of his lifelong passion and work for the welfa re, education and development of children and young people. Children across India remember him as Chacha Nehru (Uncle Nehru). Nehru remains a popular symbol of the Congress Party which frequently celebrates his memory.Congress leaders and activists often emulate his style of clothing, especially the Gandhi cap, and his mannerisms. Nehru's ideals and policies continue to shape the Congress Party's manifesto and core political philosophy. An emotional attachment to his legacy was instrumental in the rise of his daughter Indira to leadership of the Congress Party and the national government. Many documentaries about Nehru's life have been produced. He has also been portrayed in fictionalised films.The canonical performance is probably that of Roshan Seth, who played him three times: in Richard Attenborough's 1982 film Gandhi, Shyam Benegal's 1988 television series Bharat Ek Khoj, based on Nehru's The Discovery of India, and in a 2007 TV film entitled The Last Days of the Raj. [28] In K etan Mehta's film Sardar, Nehru was portrayed by Benjamin Gilani. Nehru's personal preference for the sherwani ensured that it continues to be considered formal wear in North India today; aside from lending his name to a kind of cap, the Nehru jacket is named in his honour due to his preference for that style.Numerous public institutions and memorials across India are dedicated to Nehru's memory. The Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi is among the most prestigious universities in India. The Jawaharlal Nehru Port near the city of Mumbai is a modern port and dock designed to handle a huge cargo and traffic load. Nehru's residence in Delhi is preserved as the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. The Nehru family homes at Anand Bhavan and Swaraj Bhavan are also preserved to commemorate Nehru and his family's legacy. edit] Writings Nehru was a prolific writer in English and wrote a number of books, such as The Discovery of India, Glimpses of World History, and his autobiography, Towards Freedom. [edit] Awards In 1955 Nehru was awarded with Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian honour. [29] [edit] Criticism D. D. Kosambi, a well-known Marxist historian, criticized Nehru in his article for the bourgeoisie class exploitation of Nehru's socialist ideology. [30]Jaswant Singh, a former leader of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), viewed Nehru, not Mohammad Ali Jinnah, as causing the partition of India, mostly referring to his highly centralised policies for an independent India in 1947, which Jinnah opposed in favour of a more decentralised India. The split between the two was among the causes of partition. It is believed that personal animosity between the two leaders led to the partition of India. [31][32] Singh was later expelled from the BJP for having favourable views on Jinnah. [ Jawaharlal Nehru Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi/Kashmiri: , pronounced [d a r? la? l ? ne ru? ]; 14 November 1889–27 May 1964[4]) was an Indian statesman who was the first (and to date the longest-serving) prime minister of India, from 1947 until 1964. One of the leading figures in the Indian independence movement, Nehru was elected by the Congress Party to assume office as independent India's first Prime Minister, and re-elected when the Congress Party won India's first general election in 1952.As one of the founders of the Non-aligned Movement, he was also an important figure in the international politics of the post-war era. He is frequently referred to as Pandit Nehru (â€Å"pandit† being a Sanskrit and Hindi honorific meaning â€Å"scholar† or â€Å"teacher†) and, specifically in India, as Panditji (with â€Å"-ji† being a honorific suffix). The son of a wealthy Indian barrister and politician, Motilal Nehru, Nehru became a leader of the left wing of the Congress Pa rty when still fairly young.Rising to become Congress President, under the mentorship of Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru was a charismatic and radical leader, advocating complete independence from the British Empire. In the long struggle for Indian independence, in which he was a key player, Nehru was eventually recognized as Gandhi's political heir. Throughout his life, Nehru was also an advocate for Fabian socialism and the public sector as the means by which long-standing challenges of economic development could be addressed by poorer nations. Jawaharlal Nehru was born to Motilal Nehru (1861–1931) and Swaroop Rani (1863–1954) in a Kashmiri Pandit family.The Nehru family – Motilal Nehru is seated in the center, and standing (L to R) are Jawaharlal Nehru, Vijayalakshmi Pandit, Krishna Hutheesing, Indira Gandhi, and Ranjit Pandit; Seated: Swaroop Rani, Motilal Nehru and Kamala Nehru (circa 1927). Nehru was educated in India and Britain. In England, he attended the indepen dent boy's school, Harrow and Trinity College, Cambridge. Jawaharlal Nehru at Harrow, where he was also known as Joe Nehru. During his time in Britain, Nehru was also known as Joe Nehru. [5][6][7][8][9][10] On 8 February, 1916, Nehru married seventeen year old Kamala Kaul. In the irst year of the marriage, Kamala gave birth to their only child, Indira Priyadarshini. [edit] Life and career Nehru raised the flag of independent India in New Delhi on 15 August 1947, the day India gained Independence.Nehru's appreciation of the virtues of parliamentary democracy, secularism and liberalism, coupled with his concerns for the poor and underprivileged, are recognised to have guided him in formulating socialist policies that influence India to this day. They also reflect the socialist origins of his worldview. His daughter, Indira Gandhi, and grandson, Rajiv Gandhi, also served as Prime Ministers of India. edit] Successor to Gandhi On 15 January 1941 Gandhi said, â€Å"Some say Pandit Nehru and I were estranged. It will require much more than difference of opinion to estrange us. We had differences from the time we became co-workers and yet I have said for some years and say so now that not Rajaji but Jawaharlal will be my successor. â€Å"[11] [edit] India's first Prime Minister Teen Murti Bhavan, Nehru's residence as Prime Minister, now a museum in his memory. Nehru and his colleagues had been released as the British Cabinet Mission arrived to propose plans for transfer of power.Once elected, Nehru headed an interim government, which was impaired by outbreaks of communal violence and political disorder, and the opposition of the Muslim League led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who were demanding a separate Muslim state of Pakistan. After failed bids to form coalitions, Nehru reluctantly supported the partition of India, according to a plan released by the British on 3 June 1947. He took office as the Prime Minister of India on 15 August, and delivered his inaugural address titled â€Å"A Tryst With Destiny† â€Å"Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes hen we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity. â€Å"[12] However, this period was marked with intense communal violence.This violence swept across the Punjab region, Delhi, Bengal and other parts of India. Nehru conducted joint tours[citation needed] with Pakistani leaders to encourage peace and calm angry and disillusioned refugees. Nehru would work with Maulana Azad and other Muslim leaders to safeguard and encourage Muslims to remain in India. The violence of the time deeply affected Nehru, who called for a ceasefire[citation needed] and UN intervention to stop the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947. Fearing communal reprisals, Nehru also hesitated in supporting the annexation of Hyderabad State.In the years following independence, Nehru frequently turned to his daughter Indira to look after him and manage his personal affairs. Under his leadership, the Congress won an overwhelming majority in the elections of 1952. Indira moved into Nehru's official residence to attend to him and became his constant companion in his travels across India and the world. Indira would virtually become Nehru's chief of staff. Nehru's study in Teen Murti Bhavan. [edit] Economic policies Nehru presided over the introduction of a modified, Indian version of state planning and control over the economy.Creating the Planning commission of India, Nehru drew up the first Five-Year Plan in 1951, which charted the gov ernment's investments in industries and agriculture. Increasing business and income taxes, Nehru envisaged a mixed economy in which the government would manage strategic industries such as mining, electricity and heavy industries, serving public interest and a check to private enterprise. Nehru pursued land redistribution and launched programmes to build irrigation canals, dams and spread the use of fertilizers to increase agricultural roduction. He also pioneered a series of community development programs aimed at spreading diverse cottage industries and increasing efficiency into rural India. While encouraging the construction of large dams (which Nehru called the â€Å"new temples of India†), irrigation works and the generation of hydroelectricity, Nehru also launched India's programme to harness nuclear energy. For most of Nehru's term as prime minister, India would continue to face serious food shortages despite progress and increases in agricultural production.Nehru's i ndustrial policies, summarised in the Industrial Policy Resolution of 1956, encouraged the growth of diverse manufacturing and heavy industries,[13] yet state planning, controls and regulations began to impair productivity, quality and profitability. Although the Indian economy enjoyed a steady rate of growth, called Hindu rate of growth at 2. 5% per annum, chronic unemployment amidst widespread poverty continued to plague the population. [edit] Education and social reform Jawaharlal Nehru was a passionate advocate of education for India's children and youth, believing it essential for India's future progress.His government oversaw the establishment of many institutions of higher learning, including the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, the Indian Institutes of Technology and the Indian Institutes of Management. Nehru also outlined a commitment in his five-year plans to guarantee free and compulsory primary education to all of India's children. For this purpose, Nehru oversaw the creation of mass village enrollment programmes and the construction of thousands of schools. Nehru also launched initiatives such as the provision of free milk and meals to children in order to fight malnutrition.Adult education centres, vocational and technical schools were also organised for adults, especially in the rural areas. Under Nehru, the Indian Parliament enacted many changes to Hindu law to criminalize caste discrimination and increase the legal rights and social freedoms of women[14][15][16] [17] A system of reservations in government services and educational institutions was created to eradicate the social inequalities and disadvantages faced by peoples of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Nehru also championed secularism and religious harmony, increasing the representation of minorities in government. edit] National security and foreign policy See also: Role of India in Non-Aligned Movement Nehru led newly independent India from 1947 to 1964, during its first years of freedom from British rule. Both the United States and the Soviet Union competed to make India an ally throughout the Cold War. On the international scene, Nehru was a champion of pacifism and a strong supporter of the United Nations. He pioneered the policy of non-alignment and co-founded the Non-Aligned Movement of nations professing neutrality between the rival blocs of nations led by the U. S. and the U. S.S. R. Recognising the People's Republic of China soon after its founding (while most of the Western bloc continued relations with the Republic of China), Nehru argued for its inclusion in the United Nations and refused to brand the Chinese as the aggressors in their conflict with Korea. [18] He sought to establish warm and friendly relations with China in 1950, and hoped to act as an intermediary to bridge the gulf and tensions between the communist states and the Western bloc. Meanwhile, Nehru had promised in 1948 to hold a plebiscite in Kashmir under the auspic es of the U.N. but, as Pakistan failed to pull back troops in accordance with the UN resolution and as Nehru grew increasingly wary of the U. N. , he declined to hold a plebiscite in 1953. He ordered the arrest of the Kashmiri politician Sheikh Abdullah, whom he had previously supported but now suspected of harbouring separatist ambitions; Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad replaced him. His policy of pacifism and appeasement with respect to China also came unraveled when border disputes led to the Sino-Indian war in 1962.Jawaharlal Nehru (right) talks to Pakistan prime minister Muhammad Ali Bogra (left) during his 1953 visit to Karachi. Nehru was hailed by many for working to defuse global tensions and the threat of nuclear weapons. [19] He commissioned the first study of the human effects of nuclear explosions, and campaigned ceaselessly for the abolition of what he called â€Å"these frightful engines of destruction. † He also had pragmatic reasons for promoting de-nuclearisation, fea ring that a nuclear arms race would lead to over-militarisation that would be unaffordable for developing countries such as his own. 20] In 1956 he had criticised the joint invasion of the Suez Canal by the British, French and Israelis. Suspicion and distrust cooled relations between India and the U. S. , which suspected Nehru of tacitly supporting the Soviet Union. Accepting the arbitration of the UK and World Bank, Nehru signed the Indus Water Treaty in 1960 with Pakistani ruler Ayub Khan to resolve long-standing disputes about sharing the resources of the major rivers of the Punjab region. [edit] Final years Nehru with Ashoke Kumar Sen, S.Radhakrishnan and Bidhan Chandra RoyNehru had led the Congress to a major victory in the 1957 elections, but his government was facing rising problems and criticism. Disillusioned by intra-party corruption and bickering, Nehru contemplated resigning but continued to serve. The election of his daughter Indira as Congress President in 1959 aroused criticism for alleged nepotism[citation needed], although actually Nehru had disapproved of her election, partly because he considered it smacked of â€Å"dynastism†; he said, indeed it was â€Å"wholly undemocratic and an undesirable thing†, and refused her a position in his cabinet. 21] Indira herself was at loggerheads with her father over policy; most notably, she used his oft-stated personal deference to the Congress Working Committee to push through the dismissal of the Communist Party of India government in the state of Kerala, over his own objections. [21] Nehru began to be frequently embarrassed by her ruthlessness and disregard for parliamentary tradition, and was â€Å"hurt† by what he saw as an assertiveness with no purpose other than to stake out an identity independent of her father. [4]Although the Pancha Sila (Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence) was the basis of the 1954 Sino-Indian border treaty, in later years, Nehru's foreign policy suff ered through increasing Chinese assertiveness over border disputes and Nehru's decision to grant political asylum to the 14th Dalai Lama. After years of failed negotiations, Nehru authorized the Indian Army to invade Goa in 1961, and then he annexed it to India. It increased his popularity, but he was criticized the use of military force. In the 1962 elections, Nehru led the Congress to victory yet with a diminished majority.Opposition parties ranging from the right-wing Bharatiya Jana Sangh and Swatantra Party, socialists and the Communist Party of India performed well. Public viewing of Nehru's body, which lies in state, in 1964; the gun carriage used for his state funeral was later used for the state funeral of Mother TeresaSince 1959, and this accelerated in 1961, Nehru adopted the â€Å"Forward Policy† of setting up military outposts in disputed areas of the Sino-Indian border, including in 43 outposts in territory not previously controlled by India. 22] China attacked s ome of these outposts, and thus the Sino-Indian War began, which India technically lost, but China gained no territory as it withdrew to pre-war lines. The war exposed the weaknesses of India's military, and Nehru was widely criticised for his government's insufficient attention to defence. In response, Nehru sacked the defence minister Krishna Menon and sought U. S. military aid, but Nehru's health began declining steadily, and he spent months recuperating in Kashmir through 1963.Some historians attribute this dramatic decline to his surprise and chagrin over the Sino-Indian War, which he perceived as a betrayal of trust. [23] Upon his return from Kashmir in May 1964, Nehru suffered a stroke and later a heart attack. He died in the early hours of 27 May 1964. Nehru was cremated in accordance with Hindu rites at the Shantivana on the banks of the Yamuna River, witnessed by hundreds of thousands of mourners who had flocked into the streets of Delhi and the cremation grounds. [edit] L egacy Nehru's statue in Aldwych, London.As India's first Prime minister and external affairs minister, Jawaharlal Nehru played a major role in shaping modern India's government and political culture along with sound foreign policy. He is praised for creating a system providing universal primary education, reaching children in the farthest corners of rural India. Nehru's education policy is also credited for the development of world-class educational institutions such as the All India Institute of Medical Sciences,[24] Indian Institutes of Technology,[25] and the Indian Institutes of Management. Nehru was a great man†¦ Nehru gave to Indians an image of themselves that I don't think others might have succeeded in doing. † – Sir Isaiah Berlin[26] In addition, Nehru's stance as an unfailing nationalist led him to also implement policies which stressed commonality among Indians while still appreciating regional diversities. This proved particularly important as post-Ind ependence differences surfaced since British withdrawal from the subcontinent prompted regional leaders to no longer relate to one another as allies against a common adversary.While differences of culture and, especially, language threatened the unity of the new nation, Nehru established programs such as the National Book Trust and the National Literary Academy which promoted the translation of regional literatures between languages and also organized the transfer of materials between regions. In pursuit of a single, unified India, Nehru warned, â€Å"Integrate or perish. â€Å"[27] [edit] Commemoration Nehru hands out sweets to children in Nongpoh Jawaharlal Nehru on a 1989 USSR commemorative stamp.In his lifetime, Jawaharlal Nehru enjoyed an iconic status in India and was widely admired across the world for his idealism and statesmanship. His birthday, 14 November, is celebrated in India as Baal Divas (Children's Day) in recognition of his lifelong passion and work for the welfa re, education and development of children and young people. Children across India remember him as Chacha Nehru (Uncle Nehru). Nehru remains a popular symbol of the Congress Party which frequently celebrates his memory.Congress leaders and activists often emulate his style of clothing, especially the Gandhi cap, and his mannerisms. Nehru's ideals and policies continue to shape the Congress Party's manifesto and core political philosophy. An emotional attachment to his legacy was instrumental in the rise of his daughter Indira to leadership of the Congress Party and the national government. Many documentaries about Nehru's life have been produced. He has also been portrayed in fictionalised films.The canonical performance is probably that of Roshan Seth, who played him three times: in Richard Attenborough's 1982 film Gandhi, Shyam Benegal's 1988 television series Bharat Ek Khoj, based on Nehru's The Discovery of India, and in a 2007 TV film entitled The Last Days of the Raj. [28] In K etan Mehta's film Sardar, Nehru was portrayed by Benjamin Gilani. Nehru's personal preference for the sherwani ensured that it continues to be considered formal wear in North India today; aside from lending his name to a kind of cap, the Nehru jacket is named in his honour due to his preference for that style.Numerous public institutions and memorials across India are dedicated to Nehru's memory. The Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi is among the most prestigious universities in India. The Jawaharlal Nehru Port near the city of Mumbai is a modern port and dock designed to handle a huge cargo and traffic load. Nehru's residence in Delhi is preserved as the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. The Nehru family homes at Anand Bhavan and Swaraj Bhavan are also preserved to commemorate Nehru and his family's legacy. edit] Writings Nehru was a prolific writer in English and wrote a number of books, such as The Discovery of India, Glimpses of World History, and his autobiography, Towards Freedom. [edit] Awards In 1955 Nehru was awarded with Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian honour. [29] [edit] Criticism D. D. Kosambi, a well-known Marxist historian, criticized Nehru in his article for the bourgeoisie class exploitation of Nehru's socialist ideology. [30]Jaswant Singh, a former leader of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), viewed Nehru, not Mohammad Ali Jinnah, as causing the partition of India, mostly referring to his highly centralised policies for an independent India in 1947, which Jinnah opposed in favour of a more decentralised India. The split between the two was among the causes of partition. It is believed that personal animosity between the two leaders led to the partition of India. [31][32] Singh was later expelled from the BJP for having favourable views on Jinnah. [ Jawaharlal Nehru Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi/Kashmiri: , pronounced [d a r? la? l ? ne ru? ]; 14 November 1889–27 May 1964[4]) was an Indian statesman who was the first (and to date the longest-serving) prime minister of India, from 1947 until 1964. One of the leading figures in the Indian independence movement, Nehru was elected by the Congress Party to assume office as independent India's first Prime Minister, and re-elected when the Congress Party won India's first general election in 1952.As one of the founders of the Non-aligned Movement, he was also an important figure in the international politics of the post-war era. He is frequently referred to as Pandit Nehru (â€Å"pandit† being a Sanskrit and Hindi honorific meaning â€Å"scholar† or â€Å"teacher†) and, specifically in India, as Panditji (with â€Å"-ji† being a honorific suffix). The son of a wealthy Indian barrister and politician, Motilal Nehru, Nehru became a leader of the left wing of the Congress Pa rty when still fairly young.Rising to become Congress President, under the mentorship of Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru was a charismatic and radical leader, advocating complete independence from the British Empire. In the long struggle for Indian independence, in which he was a key player, Nehru was eventually recognized as Gandhi's political heir. Throughout his life, Nehru was also an advocate for Fabian socialism and the public sector as the means by which long-standing challenges of economic development could be addressed by poorer nations. Jawaharlal Nehru was born to Motilal Nehru (1861–1931) and Swaroop Rani (1863–1954) in a Kashmiri Pandit family.The Nehru family – Motilal Nehru is seated in the center, and standing (L to R) are Jawaharlal Nehru, Vijayalakshmi Pandit, Krishna Hutheesing, Indira Gandhi, and Ranjit Pandit; Seated: Swaroop Rani, Motilal Nehru and Kamala Nehru (circa 1927). Nehru was educated in India and Britain. In England, he attended the indepen dent boy's school, Harrow and Trinity College, Cambridge. Jawaharlal Nehru at Harrow, where he was also known as Joe Nehru. During his time in Britain, Nehru was also known as Joe Nehru. [5][6][7][8][9][10] On 8 February, 1916, Nehru married seventeen year old Kamala Kaul. In the irst year of the marriage, Kamala gave birth to their only child, Indira Priyadarshini. [edit] Life and career Nehru raised the flag of independent India in New Delhi on 15 August 1947, the day India gained Independence.Nehru's appreciation of the virtues of parliamentary democracy, secularism and liberalism, coupled with his concerns for the poor and underprivileged, are recognised to have guided him in formulating socialist policies that influence India to this day. They also reflect the socialist origins of his worldview. His daughter, Indira Gandhi, and grandson, Rajiv Gandhi, also served as Prime Ministers of India. edit] Successor to Gandhi On 15 January 1941 Gandhi said, â€Å"Some say Pandit Nehru and I were estranged. It will require much more than difference of opinion to estrange us. We had differences from the time we became co-workers and yet I have said for some years and say so now that not Rajaji but Jawaharlal will be my successor. â€Å"[11] [edit] India's first Prime Minister Teen Murti Bhavan, Nehru's residence as Prime Minister, now a museum in his memory. Nehru and his colleagues had been released as the British Cabinet Mission arrived to propose plans for transfer of power.Once elected, Nehru headed an interim government, which was impaired by outbreaks of communal violence and political disorder, and the opposition of the Muslim League led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who were demanding a separate Muslim state of Pakistan. After failed bids to form coalitions, Nehru reluctantly supported the partition of India, according to a plan released by the British on 3 June 1947. He took office as the Prime Minister of India on 15 August, and delivered his inaugural address titled â€Å"A Tryst With Destiny† â€Å"Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes hen we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity. â€Å"[12] However, this period was marked with intense communal violence.This violence swept across the Punjab region, Delhi, Bengal and other parts of India. Nehru conducted joint tours[citation needed] with Pakistani leaders to encourage peace and calm angry and disillusioned refugees. Nehru would work with Maulana Azad and other Muslim leaders to safeguard and encourage Muslims to remain in India. The violence of the time deeply affected Nehru, who called for a ceasefire[citation needed] and UN intervention to stop the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947. Fearing communal reprisals, Nehru also hesitated in supporting the annexation of Hyderabad State.In the years following independence, Nehru frequently turned to his daughter Indira to look after him and manage his personal affairs. Under his leadership, the Congress won an overwhelming majority in the elections of 1952. Indira moved into Nehru's official residence to attend to him and became his constant companion in his travels across India and the world. Indira would virtually become Nehru's chief of staff. Nehru's study in Teen Murti Bhavan. [edit] Economic policies Nehru presided over the introduction of a modified, Indian version of state planning and control over the economy.Creating the Planning commission of India, Nehru drew up the first Five-Year Plan in 1951, which charted the gov ernment's investments in industries and agriculture. Increasing business and income taxes, Nehru envisaged a mixed economy in which the government would manage strategic industries such as mining, electricity and heavy industries, serving public interest and a check to private enterprise. Nehru pursued land redistribution and launched programmes to build irrigation canals, dams and spread the use of fertilizers to increase agricultural roduction. He also pioneered a series of community development programs aimed at spreading diverse cottage industries and increasing efficiency into rural India. While encouraging the construction of large dams (which Nehru called the â€Å"new temples of India†), irrigation works and the generation of hydroelectricity, Nehru also launched India's programme to harness nuclear energy. For most of Nehru's term as prime minister, India would continue to face serious food shortages despite progress and increases in agricultural production.Nehru's i ndustrial policies, summarised in the Industrial Policy Resolution of 1956, encouraged the growth of diverse manufacturing and heavy industries,[13] yet state planning, controls and regulations began to impair productivity, quality and profitability. Although the Indian economy enjoyed a steady rate of growth, called Hindu rate of growth at 2. 5% per annum, chronic unemployment amidst widespread poverty continued to plague the population. [edit] Education and social reform Jawaharlal Nehru was a passionate advocate of education for India's children and youth, believing it essential for India's future progress.His government oversaw the establishment of many institutions of higher learning, including the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, the Indian Institutes of Technology and the Indian Institutes of Management. Nehru also outlined a commitment in his five-year plans to guarantee free and compulsory primary education to all of India's children. For this purpose, Nehru oversaw the creation of mass village enrollment programmes and the construction of thousands of schools. Nehru also launched initiatives such as the provision of free milk and meals to children in order to fight malnutrition.Adult education centres, vocational and technical schools were also organised for adults, especially in the rural areas. Under Nehru, the Indian Parliament enacted many changes to Hindu law to criminalize caste discrimination and increase the legal rights and social freedoms of women[14][15][16] [17] A system of reservations in government services and educational institutions was created to eradicate the social inequalities and disadvantages faced by peoples of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Nehru also championed secularism and religious harmony, increasing the representation of minorities in government. edit] National security and foreign policy See also: Role of India in Non-Aligned Movement Nehru led newly independent India from 1947 to 1964, during its first years of freedom from British rule. Both the United States and the Soviet Union competed to make India an ally throughout the Cold War. On the international scene, Nehru was a champion of pacifism and a strong supporter of the United Nations. He pioneered the policy of non-alignment and co-founded the Non-Aligned Movement of nations professing neutrality between the rival blocs of nations led by the U. S. and the U. S.S. R. Recognising the People's Republic of China soon after its founding (while most of the Western bloc continued relations with the Republic of China), Nehru argued for its inclusion in the United Nations and refused to brand the Chinese as the aggressors in their conflict with Korea. [18] He sought to establish warm and friendly relations with China in 1950, and hoped to act as an intermediary to bridge the gulf and tensions between the communist states and the Western bloc. Meanwhile, Nehru had promised in 1948 to hold a plebiscite in Kashmir under the auspic es of the U.N. but, as Pakistan failed to pull back troops in accordance with the UN resolution and as Nehru grew increasingly wary of the U. N. , he declined to hold a plebiscite in 1953. He ordered the arrest of the Kashmiri politician Sheikh Abdullah, whom he had previously supported but now suspected of harbouring separatist ambitions; Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad replaced him. His policy of pacifism and appeasement with respect to China also came unraveled when border disputes led to the Sino-Indian war in 1962.Jawaharlal Nehru (right) talks to Pakistan prime minister Muhammad Ali Bogra (left) during his 1953 visit to Karachi. Nehru was hailed by many for working to defuse global tensions and the threat of nuclear weapons. [19] He commissioned the first study of the human effects of nuclear explosions, and campaigned ceaselessly for the abolition of what he called â€Å"these frightful engines of destruction. † He also had pragmatic reasons for promoting de-nuclearisation, fea ring that a nuclear arms race would lead to over-militarisation that would be unaffordable for developing countries such as his own. 20] In 1956 he had criticised the joint invasion of the Suez Canal by the British, French and Israelis. Suspicion and distrust cooled relations between India and the U. S. , which suspected Nehru of tacitly supporting the Soviet Union. Accepting the arbitration of the UK and World Bank, Nehru signed the Indus Water Treaty in 1960 with Pakistani ruler Ayub Khan to resolve long-standing disputes about sharing the resources of the major rivers of the Punjab region. [edit] Final years Nehru with Ashoke Kumar Sen, S.Radhakrishnan and Bidhan Chandra RoyNehru had led the Congress to a major victory in the 1957 elections, but his government was facing rising problems and criticism. Disillusioned by intra-party corruption and bickering, Nehru contemplated resigning but continued to serve. The election of his daughter Indira as Congress President in 1959 aroused criticism for alleged nepotism[citation needed], although actually Nehru had disapproved of her election, partly because he considered it smacked of â€Å"dynastism†; he said, indeed it was â€Å"wholly undemocratic and an undesirable thing†, and refused her a position in his cabinet. 21] Indira herself was at loggerheads with her father over policy; most notably, she used his oft-stated personal deference to the Congress Working Committee to push through the dismissal of the Communist Party of India government in the state of Kerala, over his own objections. [21] Nehru began to be frequently embarrassed by her ruthlessness and disregard for parliamentary tradition, and was â€Å"hurt† by what he saw as an assertiveness with no purpose other than to stake out an identity independent of her father. [4]Although the Pancha Sila (Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence) was the basis of the 1954 Sino-Indian border treaty, in later years, Nehru's foreign policy suff ered through increasing Chinese assertiveness over border disputes and Nehru's decision to grant political asylum to the 14th Dalai Lama. After years of failed negotiations, Nehru authorized the Indian Army to invade Goa in 1961, and then he annexed it to India. It increased his popularity, but he was criticized the use of military force. In the 1962 elections, Nehru led the Congress to victory yet with a diminished majority.Opposition parties ranging from the right-wing Bharatiya Jana Sangh and Swatantra Party, socialists and the Communist Party of India performed well. Public viewing of Nehru's body, which lies in state, in 1964; the gun carriage used for his state funeral was later used for the state funeral of Mother TeresaSince 1959, and this accelerated in 1961, Nehru adopted the â€Å"Forward Policy† of setting up military outposts in disputed areas of the Sino-Indian border, including in 43 outposts in territory not previously controlled by India. 22] China attacked s ome of these outposts, and thus the Sino-Indian War began, which India technically lost, but China gained no territory as it withdrew to pre-war lines. The war exposed the weaknesses of India's military, and Nehru was widely criticised for his government's insufficient attention to defence. In response, Nehru sacked the defence minister Krishna Menon and sought U. S. military aid, but Nehru's health began declining steadily, and he spent months recuperating in Kashmir through 1963.Some historians attribute this dramatic decline to his surprise and chagrin over the Sino-Indian War, which he perceived as a betrayal of trust. [23] Upon his return from Kashmir in May 1964, Nehru suffered a stroke and later a heart attack. He died in the early hours of 27 May 1964. Nehru was cremated in accordance with Hindu rites at the Shantivana on the banks of the Yamuna River, witnessed by hundreds of thousands of mourners who had flocked into the streets of Delhi and the cremation grounds. [edit] L egacy Nehru's statue in Aldwych, London.As India's first Prime minister and external affairs minister, Jawaharlal Nehru played a major role in shaping modern India's government and political culture along with sound foreign policy. He is praised for creating a system providing universal primary education, reaching children in the farthest corners of rural India. Nehru's education policy is also credited for the development of world-class educational institutions such as the All India Institute of Medical Sciences,[24] Indian Institutes of Technology,[25] and the Indian Institutes of Management. Nehru was a great man†¦ Nehru gave to Indians an image of themselves that I don't think others might have succeeded in doing. † – Sir Isaiah Berlin[26] In addition, Nehru's stance as an unfailing nationalist led him to also implement policies which stressed commonality among Indians while still appreciating regional diversities. This proved particularly important as post-Ind ependence differences surfaced since British withdrawal from the subcontinent prompted regional leaders to no longer relate to one another as allies against a common adversary.While differences of culture and, especially, language threatened the unity of the new nation, Nehru established programs such as the National Book Trust and the National Literary Academy which promoted the translation of regional literatures between languages and also organized the transfer of materials between regions. In pursuit of a single, unified India, Nehru warned, â€Å"Integrate or perish. â€Å"[27] [edit] Commemoration Nehru hands out sweets to children in Nongpoh Jawaharlal Nehru on a 1989 USSR commemorative stamp.In his lifetime, Jawaharlal Nehru enjoyed an iconic status in India and was widely admired across the world for his idealism and statesmanship. His birthday, 14 November, is celebrated in India as Baal Divas (Children's Day) in recognition of his lifelong passion and work for the welfa re, education and development of children and young people. Children across India remember him as Chacha Nehru (Uncle Nehru). Nehru remains a popular symbol of the Congress Party which frequently celebrates his memory.Congress leaders and activists often emulate his style of clothing, especially the Gandhi cap, and his mannerisms. Nehru's ideals and policies continue to shape the Congress Party's manifesto and core political philosophy. An emotional attachment to his legacy was instrumental in the rise of his daughter Indira to leadership of the Congress Party and the national government. Many documentaries about Nehru's life have been produced. He has also been portrayed in fictionalised films.The canonical performance is probably that of Roshan Seth, who played him three times: in Richard Attenborough's 1982 film Gandhi, Shyam Benegal's 1988 television series Bharat Ek Khoj, based on Nehru's The Discovery of India, and in a 2007 TV film entitled The Last Days of the Raj. [28] In K etan Mehta's film Sardar, Nehru was portrayed by Benjamin Gilani. Nehru's personal preference for the sherwani ensured that it continues to be considered formal wear in North India today; aside from lending his name to a kind of cap, the Nehru jacket is named in his honour due to his preference for that style.Numerous public institutions and memorials across India are dedicated to Nehru's memory. The Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi is among the most prestigious universities in India. The Jawaharlal Nehru Port near the city of Mumbai is a modern port and dock designed to handle a huge cargo and traffic load. Nehru's residence in Delhi is preserved as the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. The Nehru family homes at Anand Bhavan and Swaraj Bhavan are also preserved to commemorate Nehru and his family's legacy. edit] Writings Nehru was a prolific writer in English and wrote a number of books, such as The Discovery of India, Glimpses of World History, and his autobiography, Towards Freedom. [edit] Awards In 1955 Nehru was awarded with Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian honour. [29] [edit] Criticism D. D. Kosambi, a well-known Marxist historian, criticized Nehru in his article for the bourgeoisie class exploitation of Nehru's socialist ideology. [30]Jaswant Singh, a former leader of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), viewed Nehru, not Mohammad Ali Jinnah, as causing the partition of India, mostly referring to his highly centralised policies for an independent India in 1947, which Jinnah opposed in favour of a more decentralised India. The split between the two was among the causes of partition. It is believed that personal animosity between the two leaders led to the partition of India. [31][32] Singh was later expelled from the BJP for having favourable views on Jinnah. [

The 5 Ws (and an H) of Journalism

The 5 Ws (and an H) of Journalism The  questions  a journalist answers in the lead of a conventional newspaper article are  who, what, when, where, why and how. Also known as  Five Ws and an H  and reporters questions. The 5Ws H formula has been attributed to English rhetorician Thomas Wilson (1524-1581), who introduced the method in his discussion of the seven circumstances of medieval rhetoric: Who, what, and where, by what helpe, and by whose,Why, how and when, doe many things disclose. (The Arte of Rhetorique, 1560) Examples and Observations It is not often one finds a walk-in refrigerator in a private home. When it happens, even the most hard-boiled of home reporters may be so flummoxed that she reverts to the journalism basics: Who? What? When? Where? Why? In this case, the who is simple enoughNeal I. Rosenthal, founder of the wine importing business that bears his name; the where is his newly renovated house in Dutchess County, about two and a half hours north of New York City.But why a fridge you can walk into?Another moment of excesses, Mr. Rosenthal says of the refrigerator, which cost $23,000. He has, after all, just completed the last step in a $3 million-plus renovation.(Joyce Wadler, In Dutchess County, a Wine Merchant’s Renovated Home. The New York Times, June 19, 2008)News stories are about providing information, and there is nothing more frustrating for the reader that finishing a story with unanswered questions still hanging. Journalism students are taught about the five Ws: who, what, when, where an d why. They are a useful tool to check you have covered all the bases, though not all will always apply.(Peter Cole, News Writing. The Guardian, Sep. 25, 2008) Journalists questions Who? What? Where? When? Why? How? or the questions that are referred to as the five Ws and one H, have been the mainstay of newsrooms across the country. Likewise, these questions have not lost their value in classroom instruction, regardless of the content area. Having your students answer these questions focuses their attention on the specifics of a given topic.(Vicki Urquhart and Monette McIver, Teaching Writing in the Content Areas. ASCD, 2005) S-V-O Sentences and the 5Ws and an H Subject-verb-object is the preferred sentence organization pattern in journalistic writing. Its easy to read and understand. . . S-V-O sentences pack in enough of the who, what, where, when, why and how for readers to have an overview of the story in one sentence. . .These 5 Ws and an H leads from wire services tell the whole story: AUSTIN- Texas ( where) Destinee Hooker, the two-time defending NCAA high jump champion ( who), will skip track ( what) this season ( when) to train with the U.S. womens national volleyball team ( why) before the Olympics.SALT LAKE CITY- Tag Elliott ( who) of Thatcher, Utah, was in critical condition one day after surgery ( what) to repair extensive facial injuries sustained in a collision with a bull ( why).Elliott, 19, was riding a 1,500 pound bull named Werewolf on Tuesday ( when) in the Days of 47 Rodeo ( where) when their heads smacked together ( how). S-V-O is the preferred sentence order in broadcast as well, because it creates easy-to-say units of thought that listeners can understand and absorb while the sportscaster is speaking. Online readers read in chunks: a blurb, a lead, a paragraph. They, too, are looking for easy-to-read, easy-to-understand information, and thats what S-V-O sentences deliver.(Kathryn T. Stofer, James R. Schaffer, and Brian A. Rosenthal, Sports Journalism: An Introduction to Reporting and Writing. Rowman Littlefield, 2010)